Colour and the British Electorate, 1964—Six Case Studies

and Bradford?five of them marginal, and all with large immigrant settlements. Through the eyes of six contributors it studies the way in which each candidate conducted his campaign. It also concerns itself with the political involvement of the immigrants and with the effect of their presence on the voting of the native population and on the tactics of the political parties. Because of the political controversy about the campaign and the publicity it received, most readers will be tempted to turn immediately to Smethwick. As with the other chapters, a description is included of the area and population, and an assessment made of the numbers and nationalities of immigrant residents and the associations they have formed to promote their interests. A careful history is then given of changes towards the right in political affiliations, as immigration began to become a voting issue. (In 1963, for example, out of the total of five seats gained in municipal elections by Conservatives throughout the country, three were in Smethwick.) The book comments: 'There can be no doubt that the issue [of immigration] had become paramount by the time the 1964 General Election campaign opened.' At their adoption meetings the Conservative, Labour and Liberal candidates all referred to racial problems in Smethwick. An analysis of the eight public meetings held by candidates during the election shows that immigration and/or race relations were the subjects of 50% of the questions asked at Conservative meetings, and 31% at Labour meetings, and all four election-addresses?an independent candidate entered the lists less than an hour before nominations closed?carried matter on immigration. The local weekly paper, the Smethwick Telephone, which goes into most of the town's 22,240 households, also carried copious news-stories and correspondence during the election-period on the immigration issue. As the whole nation learned on election-night, the result of the Smethwick campaign represented a pro-Conservative swing of 7-2%, in itself a swing of some 10-4% against the national average, and 8 8% against even the regional average for the West Midlands. This precis of some of the points in the Smethwick chapter gives a very fair glimpse of the kind of information to be found throughout the book. It is a fascinating study alike for the political student and the layman interested in politics, and it will undoubtedly provide source material for many future books on immigration.